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Tuesday, May 12, 2015

POSTSCRIPT

POSTSCRIPT.

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Since the printing of my concluding Lecture, it has occurred to me that I ought to make a few remarks in regard to a very prevalent error—the error that Buddhism still numbers more adherents than any other religion of the world. For these remarks the reader is referred to the Postscript at the end of the Preface (p. xiv).

Footnotes

[1]‘Life of Alexander Duff, D.D., LL.D., by George Smith, C.I.E., LL.D.’ London: Hodder and Stoughton; published first in 1879, and a popular edition in 1881.
[2]A reference to pages 74, 226, 232 of the following Lectures will make the connexion which I wish to illustrate clearer. In many images of the Buddha the robe is drawn over both shoulders, as in the portrait of the living Sannyāsī. Then mark other particulars in the portrait:—e.g. the Rudrāksha rosary round the neck (see ‘Brāhmanism and Hindūism,’ p. 67). Then in front of the raised seat of the Sannyāsī are certain ceremonial implements. First, observe the Kamaṇḍalu, or water-gourd, near the right hand corner of the seat. Next, in front of the seat, on the right hand of the figure, is the Upa-pātra—a subsidiary vessel to be used with the Kamaṇḍalu. Then, in the middle, is the Tāmra-pātra or copper vessel, and on the left the Pañća-pātra with the Āćamanī (see ‘Brāhmanism and Hindūism,’ pp. 401, 402). Near the left hand corner of the seat are the wooden clogs. Finally, there is the Daṇḍa or staff held in the left hand, and used by a Sannyāsī as a defence against evil spirits, much as the Dorje (or Vajra) is used by Northern Buddhist monks (see p. 323 of the present volume). This mystical staff is a bambu with six knots, possibly symbolical of six ways (Gati) or states of life, through which it is believed that every being may have to migrate—a belief common to both Brāhmanism and Buddhism (see p. 122 of this volume). The staff is called Su-darṡana (a name for Vishṇu’s Ćakra), and is daily worshipped for the preservation of its mysterious powers. The mystic white roll which begins just above the left hand and ends before the left knot is called the Lakshmī-vastra, or auspicious covering. The projecting piece of cloth folded in the form of an axe (Paraṡu) represents the weapon of Paraṡu-Rāma, one of the incarnations of Vishṇu (see pp. 110, 270 of ‘Brāhmanism and Hindūism’) with which he subdued the enemies of the Brāhmans. With this so-called axe may be contrasted the Buddhist weapon for keeping off the powers of evil (engraved at p. 352).
[3]‘Brāhmanism and Hindūism.’ Third Edition. John Murray, Albemarle Street.
[4]The heaven of Ṡiva is Kailāsa, of Vishṇu is Vaikuṇṭha, of Kṛishṇa is Goloka.
[5]The Sāṅkhya system, as I have shown, was closely connected with the Vedānta, though it recognized the separate existence of countless individual Purushas or spirits instead of the one (called Ātman). Both had much in common with Buddhism, though the latter substituted Ṡūnya ‘a void’ for Purusha and Ātman.
[6]Freely translated by me in Indian Wisdom, p. 133, and literally translated by Prof. E. B. Cowell.
[7]‘Let us eat and drink for to-morrow we die.’ 1 Cor. xv. 32.
[8]See Dr. John Muir’s Article on Indian Materialists, Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, N. S. xix, p. 302.
[9]It is difficult to accept the theory of those who maintain that writing had not been invented.
[10]One hundred is given as a round number. The actual distance is about one hundred and twenty miles.—Corr.
[11]Tapas is a Sanskṛit word, derived from the root tap, ‘to burn, torment.’ It is connected with Lat. tepeo, Greek Θάπτω, which last originally denoted ‘to burn,’ not ‘to bury’ dead bodies. Tapas ought not to be translated by ‘penance,’ unless that word is restricted to the sense poena, ‘pain.’
[12]Such men are called Pañća-tapās (Manu VI. 23). A good representation of this form of Tapas may be seen in the Museum of the Indian Institute, Oxford.
[13]According to Dr. Oldenberg, the Mṛityu of the Kaṭhopanishad.
[14]In the same way the Cistercian monks of Fountain’s Abbey lived under certain trees while the Abbey was building.
[15]The Bhagavad-gītā (V. 28) asserts:—‘The sage (Yogī) who is internally happy, internally at peace, and internally illumined, attains extinction in Brahma.’ This is pure Buddhism if we substitute Cessation of individual existence for Brahma.
[16]Or Kuṡa-nagara, identified by Gen. Sir A. Cunningham with Kasia, 35 miles east of Gorakh-pore on an old channel of the Chota Gandak.
[17]I give 420 as a round number. Rhys Davids has good reasons for fixing the date of Gautama’s death about B.C. 412, Oldenberg about 480, Cunningham 478, Kern 388. The old date is 543.
[18]See Book of the great Decease, translated by Rhys Davids, p. 72.
[19]The Ṡatapatha-brāhmaṇa (p. 1064) and the Bṛihad-āraṇyaka Upanishad (p. 455) affirm that the Ṛig- Yajur- Sāma- and Atharva-veda, the Upanishads, Itihāsas, and Purāṇas were all the breath (niḥṡvasitāni) of the Supreme Being. And Sāyaṇa, the well-known Indian Commentator on the Ṛig-veda, speaking of the Supreme Being in his Introduction, says, Yasya niḥṡvasitaṃ Vedāḥ, ‘whose breath the Vedas were.’
[20]How else can we account for Pāṇini’s applying the term Bhāshā to colloquial Sanskṛit? Professor E. B. Cowell holds that Pāṇini’s standard is the Brāhmaṇa language as opposed to the Saṃhitā of the Veda and to Loka or ordinary usage.
[21]According to Professor Rhys Davids, the Pāli text of the whole Tri-piṭaka, or true Canon of Buddhist Scripture, contains about twice as many words as our Bible; but he calculates that an English translation, if all repetitions were given, would be about four times as long. I should state here that in this chapter Koeppen, Childers, Rhys Davids, and Oldenberg have all been referred to, though I have not failed to examine the original Pāli documents myself.
[22]Upāli is said to have been originally the family barber of the Ṡākyas. Professor Oldenberg rightly remarks that this did not make him a man of low position, though he was probably the lowest in rank of all the early disciples of Gautama.
[23]Professor Oldenberg, in his preface to his edition of the Mahā-vagga, shows that in early times there were only two divisions of the Piṭaka, one called Vinaya and the other Dharma (Dhamma), which were often contrasted.
[24]The ten usually enumerated are the three above-named and seven others, viz. power of admitting to the Order and confession in private houses, the use of comfortable seats, relaxation of monastic rules in remote country places, power of obtaining a dispensation from the Order after the infringement of a rule, drinking whey, putting salt aside for future use, power of citing the example of others as a valid excuse for relaxing discipline.
[25]According to Professor Oldenberg’s calculation. The date is doubtful. A round number (say 350 B.C.) might be given.
[26]Professor Oldenberg places the locality of the Pāli on the eastern coast of Southern India in the northern part of Kaliṅga (Purī in Orissa), and would therefore make it an old form of Uriya. That country he thinks had most frequent communications with Ceylon.
[27]Professor Childers thought that Pāli merely meant the language of the line or series of texts, the word pāli like tanti meaning ‘line.’ Pāli differs from the Prākṛit of the Inscriptions, and from that of the dramas, and from that of the Jainas (which is still later and called Ardha-māgadhī), by its retention of some consonants and infusion of Sanskṛit. The Gāthā dialect of the northern books is again different.
[28]550 is a round number. The text of the Jātakas has been edited by Fausböll and translated by Rhys Davids and others. See a specimen at p. 112.
[29]The seven are called: 1. Dhamma-saṅgaṇi, ‘enumeration of conditions of existence,’ edited by Dr. E. Müller; 2. Vibhaṅga, ‘explanations;’ 3. Kathā-vatthu, ‘discussions on one thousand controverted points;’ 4. Puggala-paññatti, ‘explanation of personality;’ 5. Dhātu-kathā, ‘account of elements;’ 6. Yamaka, ‘pairs;’ 7. Paṭṭhāna, ‘causes.’
[30]A list of these is given in Childers’ Dictionary.
[31]See Introduction to Buddha-ghosha’s Parables, by Professor Max Müller; Turnour’s Mahā-vaṉṡa, pp. 250-253.
[32]They are in two quite distinct kinds of writing. That at Kapurda-garhi—sometimes called Northern Aṡoka or Ariano-Pāli—is clearly Semitic, and traceable to a Phœnician source, being written from right to left. That at Girnār, commonly called Southern Aṡoka or Indo-Pāli, is read from left to right, and is not so clearly traceable. If it came from the west it probably came through a Pahlavī channel, and gave rise to Devanāgarī. General Cunningham and others believe this latter character to have originated independently in India. James Prinsep was the first to decipher the inscription character.
[33]See Dr. R. N. Cust’s article in the ‘Journal of the National Indian Association’ for June, 1879, and one of his Selected Essays, and General Sir A. Cunningham’s great work, ‘The Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum.’ The General reckons thirteen rock inscriptions, seventeen cave inscriptions, and six inscribed pillars.
The eight most important rock inscriptions are those on (1) the Rock of Kapurda-garhi (at Shāhbāz-garhi), in British Afghānistān, forty miles east-north-east of Peshāwar—this is in the Ariano-Pāli character; (2) the Rock of Khālsi, situated on the bank of the river Jumnā, just where it leaves the Himālaya mountains, fifteen miles west of the hill-station of Mussourie; (3) the Rock of Girnār, half-a-mile to the east of the city of Junagurh, in Kāthiāwār; (4) the Rock of Dhauli, in Kuttack (properly Kaṭak), twenty miles north of Jagan-nāth; (5) the Rock of Jaugada, in a large old fort eighteen miles west-north-west of Ganjam in Madras; (6) Bairāt; (7) Rūpnāth, at the foot of the Kaimur range; (8) Sahasarām, at the north-east end of the Kaimur. The second Bairāt inscription is most important as the only one which mentions Buddha by name.

The five most important pillars are: (1) the Pillar at Delhi known as Firoz Shāh’s Lāṭ; (2) another Pillar at Delhi, which was removed to Calcutta, but has recently been restored; (3) the Pillar at Allahābād, a single shaft without capital, of polished sandstone, thirty-five feet in height; (4) the Pillar at Lauriya, near Bettiah, in Bengal; (5) the Pillar at another Lauriya, seventy-seven miles north-west of Patnā.

[34]Hiouen Thsang states that the three commentaries were engraved on sheets of copper and buried in a Stūpa. Beal, I. 152-156.
[35]Our word monk (derived from μοναχός, ‘one who lives alone,’) is not quite suitable unless it be taken to mean ‘one who withdraws from worldly life.’ See p. 75.
[36]Although he discouraged, he did not prohibit monks from living solitary lives. See p. 132 as to the Pratyeka-Buddha, and note, p. 72.
[37]Some prefer to derive the Pāli Ṡamaṇo from the Sanskṛit root Ṡam, ‘to be quiet.’ Ṡmāṡānika, ‘frequenting burning grounds,’ is a later name, life being to monks a kind of graveyard.
[38]We may note that in the ‘Clay-Cart,’ a Sanskṛit drama written in an early century of our era, a gambler becomes a Buddhist monk.
[39]I hear from Dr. Oldenberg that the mention in his ‘Buddha’ of twelve years as the minimum is a mistake. The age of eight mentioned by Prof. Rhys Davids as the minimum, must be a modern rule peculiar to Ceylon, if it be admissible at all.
[40]I give these quotations to show the unsuitableness of the term ‘Ordination’ applied to Pabbajjā and Upasampadā in the S. B. E.
[41]In Mahā-vagga I. 30. 4, five kinds of dwellings are named besides trees, viz. Vihāras, Aḍḍhayogas (a kind of house shaped like Garuḍa), storied dwellings (prāsāda), mansions (harmya), and caves (guhā).
[42]Comparing Western with Eastern Monachism, I may remark that the chief duty of the lay-brethren attached to the Cistercian monastery at Fountain’s Abbey was to wait upon the monks, procure food and cook it for them; and we learn from the Times of December 24, 1885, that the same duty devolved on the Carthusian lay-brothers.
[43]The Chronicles of Ceylon state that 80,000 laymen entered the paths in Kashmīr. Compare Divyāvadāna, p. 166, line 12; p. 271, 12.
[44]See Tevijja-Sutta, S. B. E. §§ 14, 15.
[45]The venerable Svāmī Ṡrī Saććidānanda Sarasvatī, in sending me a copy of the Bhagavad-gītā with a metrical commentary, says, ‘It is the best of all books on the Hindū religion, and contains the essence of all kinds of religious philosophy.’ I find in the Madras Times for October 29, 1886, the following: ‘At a meeting of the “Society for the Propagation of True Religion,” at 6 p.m. to-day, the Bhagavad-gītā will be read and explained.’
[46]XIV. 7. 2. 17. This was first pointed out by Professor A. Weber.
[47]Centenarians (Ṡatāyus, Ṡata-varsha) seem to have been rather common in India in ancient times, if we may judge by the allusions to them in Manu and other works. See Manu III. 186; II. 135, 137.
[48]I here merely give the substance of what may be found fully stated in Aristotle’s Ethics, I. 1 and IV. 3.
[49]That is, Saṃkhārā = Sanskṛit Saṉskārāḥ pl. (see p. 109), ‘qualities forming character.’ In the Vaiṡeshika system Saṉskāra is one of the twenty-four qualities, the self-reproductive quality. In the Yoga system Saṉskāra = Äṡaya, ‘impressions derived from actions done in previous births.’ According to Childers, Saṃkāro is practically = Karma, ‘act.’ It may also stand for ‘matter,’ and for a quality, or mode of being; e.g. not only for a plant but for its greenness.
[50]The Pāli in Mahā-v° I. 23. 5, is:—Ye dhammā hetuppabhavā tesaṃ hetuṃ Tathāgato āha tesaṃ ća yo nirodho evamvādī Mahā-samaṇo. The form Tathāgato is also common in Sanskṛit versions. The metrical form of the sentence has become broken.
Professor Cowell informs me that the Sanksṛit given in an old MS. at Cambridge is:—‘Ye dharmā hetu-prabhavā hetuṃ teshāṃ Tathāgataḥ | Hy avadat teshāṃ ća yo nirodha evaṃ-vādī Mahā-Ṡramaṇaḥ.’ Burnouf gives a slightly different version, thus:—Ye dharmā hetu-prabhavās teshāṃ hetuṃ Tathāgata uvāća teshāṃ ća etc. Sometimes both avadat and uvāća are omitted.

[51]Sometimes a human being is said to be made up of the five elements—ether, air, fire, water, earth—with a sixth called Vijñāna.
[52]The body is often compared to a city with nine gates or apertures, which have to be guarded (viz. two eyes, ears, nostrils, etc.).
[53]In fact Gautama remained a Bodhi-sattva until he was thirty-four or thirty-five, when he attained perfect enlightenment and Buddhahood.
[54]Their names are Dīpaṃkara, Kauṇḍinya, Maṅgala, Sumanas, Raivata, Ṡobhita, Anavama-darṡin, Padma, Nārada, Padmottara, Sumedhas, Sujāta, Priya-darṡin, Artha-darṡin, Dharma-darṡin, Siddhārtha, Tishya, Pushya, Vipaṡyin, Ṡikhin, Viṡva-bhū, Krakućanda, Kanaka-muni (or Koṇāgamana), Kāṡyapa.
[55]Beginning with Vipaṡyin. These are the only Buddhas mentioned in the Dīgha-nikāya. If the coming Buddha Maitreya is reckoned, then Vipaṡyin must be omitted.
[56]It must not be inferred that the episode of the Bhagavad-gītā is of great antiquity. This point I have made clear in ‘Brāhmanism and Hindūism’ (p. 63) as well as in ‘Indian Wisdom.’ My object at p. 138 is simply to show that Nirvāṇa is an expression common to Buddhism, Brāhmanism, and Hindūism.—Corr.
[57]The expression Brahma-nirvāṇa is repeated several times afterwards. Mark, too, that one of the god Ṡiva’s names in the Mahā-bhārata is Nirvāṇam.
[58]Rāga, dvesha, moha. Eleven fires are sometimes enumerated.
[59]Dr. Rhys Davids holds that the Buddha only advocated the suppression of good desires; Fausböll says ‘desire in all its forms.’ I agree with the latter.
[60]When I was on the confines of Tibet, this was described to me by a Tibetan scholar as the unchangeable state of conscious beatitude.
[61]Or Anupādi-ṡesha, that is, Nirvāṇa without remains or remnants of the elements of existence. See Childers’ Pāli Dictionary, s. v.
[62]This was remarked by Hooker when travelling in Sikkim. Sir Richard Temple in his Journals (II. 216) asserts that he often found married monks in Sikkim, and they make no secret of it. They are free to resign the monastic character when they choose.
[63]The Vaibhāshika was divided into Sarvāstivāda (assertion of the real existence of all things), Mahāsaṅghika, Sammatīya (said to have been founded by Upāli), and Sthavira; the Sautrāntika had also its own subdivisions.

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[64]Another great king was the celebrated Harsha-vardhana or Silāditya of Kanauj, who flourished about A.D. 610-650, and who is said to have founded an era formerly much used in Northern India. He ruled from the Indus to the Ganges, and his doings are described by Hiouen Thsang (Beal’s Records, I. 210-221.)
[65]The Mahā-yāna is said to be connected with the Mādhyamika and Yogāćāra Schools, and the Hīna-yāna with the Vaibhāshika and Sautrāntika.
[66]Professor Legge’s Travels of Fā-hien, p. 28.
[67]Translated from the Chinese by the Rev. S. Beal and more recently by Professor Legge.
[68]According to Dr. Legge’s orthography this name should be written Hsüen Chwang.
[69]See Beal’s ‘Records of the Western World,’ which gives a translation of these travels in two volumes.
[70]Hiouen Thsang describes the Sthavira form of the Mahā-yāna as existing as far south as Ceylon. He found many monks studying both the Great and Little Vehicles in Central India. Beal’s Records, ii. 247, 254, 257.
[71]As I have shown in ‘Brāhmanism and Hindūism,’ the term incarnation is not strictly expressive of the Hindū idea of Avatāra, which means ‘a descent’ of a god (or a portion of his essence) in various forms upon earth.
[72]Professor Legge’s translation, p. 56.
[73]There are four great Buddhist kings of India who may be called historical, the dates of whose reigns may be fixed with fair certainty:—1. Ćandra-gupta, who was at any rate a sympathiser with Buddhism, B.C. 315-291. 2. Aṡoka, a decided Buddhist, B.C. 259-222. 3. Kanishka (see p. 69). 4. Ṡilāditya, above. Some consider Kanishka to have founded the Ṡaka era, dating from A.D. 78.
[74]Translated in 1872 by Mr. Palmer Boyd, and published with an interesting introduction by Professor Cowell.
[75]See Beal’s Records, ii. 167-172; a long account of this monastery visited by Hiouen Thsang is there given.
[76]No doubt there are places in the South of India where there is evidence of some violent persecution. I may instance among the places I visited Tanjore and Madura. When I concluded the reading of a paper on this subject at the meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society on February 15, 1886, the then President, Colonel Yule, justly remarked that the members of two religious communions who hold very similar doctrines, often on that account hate and oppose each other all the more; but my point was that the ultra-tolerance which was of the very essence of both Brāhmanism and Buddhism must have prevented actual persecution, except under special circumstances. Brāhmanism was much more likely to have adopted Buddhism as part of its system, than to have persecuted and expelled it. In point of fact, the Brāhmans, as is well known, are ready to regard any great teacher as one of Vishṇu’s incarnations, and in this way are even willing to pay homage to the Head of Christianity.
[77]Buddhism began to lose ground in India about the fourth or fifth century after Christ, but it maintained a chequered career for several succeeding centuries even after Hiouen Thsang’s time. See p. 161.
[78]First, the Vedic triad of gods, Agni, ‘Fire,’ Indra, ‘wielder of the thunderbolt,’ and Sūrya, ‘the Sun,’ followed by the Tri-mūrti or Brahmā, Ṡiva, and Vishṇu. Then the three Guṇas or constituents of the material Universe, Sattva, Rajas, and Tamas, and lastly the triple name of Brahmă, Sać-ćid-ānanda.
[79]Sarat Chandra Dās, in his interesting Tibetan journal, describes them as the ‘three Holies.’
[80]Edited by Childers. See Journal R. A. S., N. S. iv. 318, and Kern’s Buddhismus, ii. 156.
[81]Legge’s Fā-hien, pp. 112-116.
[82]Capt. Temple states that the Saṅgha is personified in Sikkim under the form of a man holding a lotus in his left hand, the right hand being on the right knee.
[83]Probably all the images of Dharma are meant to be female, as described in the note on the same page, and at p. 485.—Corr.
[84]According to Capt. Temple, Dharma, ‘the law,’ is personified in Sikkim as a white woman with four arms, two raised in prayer, the third holding a garland (or rosary), the fourth a lotus.
[85]One legend says:—‘Thus, O monks, Buddha was born, and the right side of his mother was not pierced, was not wounded. It remained as before.’ Foucaux, p. 97. Hiouen Thsang relates that there is a Vihāra at Kapila-vastu indicating the spot ‘where the Bodhi-sattva descended spiritually into the womb of his mother,’ and that there is a representation of this scene drawn in the Vihāra. I have myself seen many representations of it in Buddhist sculptures.
[86]Beal’s Records, i. 228.
[87]Beal’s Records, i. 134, note.
[88]This work, ‘Die Religion des Buddha,’ by Carl Friederich Koeppen, has been long out of print, and has unfortunately never been translated into English. The German is often difficult, but I have endeavoured to give a correct idea of Koeppen’s statements in the instances in which I have made use of them. It is now somewhat out of date.
[89]It is obvious to remark that in the same way those who are intellectually self-dependent and self-raised among ourselves generally rise to a higher level of popular esteem than those taught by other men.
[90]There was also a ‘middle way,’ see p. 159.
[91]See pp. 47, 104. Koeppen compares them to St. Peter and St. Paul.
[92]The Rev. S. Beal (Ind. Antiquary for Dec., 1886) shows that Nāgārjuna and Nāgasena are two different persons. Sir A. Cunningham is of the same opinion. It may be noted that Padma-sambhava is credited with introducing the more corrupt form of Buddhism along with magic into Tibet at a later date, probably in the eighth century.
[93]For the account of Nāgārjuna’s disciple Deva, mentioned by Hiouen Thsang, see Beal’s Records, ii. 97.
[94]Of course not to be confounded with Gautama’s disciple of the same name, who is generally called Mahā-Kāṡyapa.
[95]According to Eitel he is still revered as the patron-saint of all novices, and is to be re-born as the eldest son of every future Buddha; see Legge’s Fā-hien, p. 46.
[96]The use of the passive participle in an active sense is not uncommon in Sanskṛit, but is generally confined to verbs involving some idea of motion.
[97]See Beal’s Records, i. 114, note 107.
[98]Professor Legge tells us that an intelligent Chinese once asked him whether ‘the worship of Mary in Europe was not similar?’
[99]Legge’s Translation, p. 46. Beal, i. 180, ii. 220. According to Schlagintweit, a historical teacher named Mañju-ṡrī taught in the eighth or ninth century A.D.
[100]Even the Brahmās, after immense periods of life in the Brahmā heavens, have to go through other births in one of the six ways of migration. Sahām-pati may therefore mean ‘the lord of sufferers,’ ‘all life involving suffering,’ and this excludes the idea of his ‘being lord over the Buddha who has not to be born again.’
[101]See Wright’s Nepāl, p. 43.
[102]Beal’s Records, ii. 103, 174.
[103]The images of this deity represent him as coarse and ill-favoured in form (his name in fact signifying ‘deformed’). He has sometimes three legs. As guardian of the northern quarter he is sculptured on the corner pillar of the northern gate of the Bharhut Stūpa. He had a metropolis of his own, according to Hindū mythology (as we know from the Megha-dūta), called Alaka, on the Himālayas.
[104]A very interesting specimen of ancient sculpture representing a Nāga-kanyā may be seen in the museum of the Indian Institute, Oxford. It belongs to a collection of Buddhist antiquities lent by Mr. R. Sewell, of the Madras Civil Service.
[105]I give this as my own theory. I am no believer in the learned M. Senart’s sun theory, or in its applicability to this point.
[106]These are described in Childers’s Pāli Dictionary, s.v.
[107]See my ‘Brāhmanism and Hindūism,’ p. 105.
[108]Quoted in Colonel Olcott’s ‘Yoga Philosophy,’ p. 282.
[109]See my ‘Brāhmanism and Hindūism,’ p. 35.
[110]Colonel Olcott and Mr. Sinnett mention this faculty as a peculiar characteristic of Asiatic occultism.
[111]‘The Occult World,’ by A. P. Sinnett, Vice-President of the Theosophical Society, pp. 12, 15, 20.
[112]At a meeting of the Victoria Institute, where I repeated the substance of the present Lecture, Mr. W. S. Seton-Karr, who was for some time Foreign Secretary at Calcutta, stated that he also had witnessed the performance of this feat in India.
[113]Colonel Olcott’s ‘Lectures on Theosophy and Archaic Religions,’ p. 109.
[114]Report in the Times newspaper.
[115]See Mr. Walter Besant’s recent interesting story, ‘Herr Paulus.’
[116]Nāga-worship is not always identical with serpent-worship. See p. 220.
[117]The Naths are certain demons or spirits of the air more worshipped in Burma than in Ceylon. See p. 259.
[118]His proper title is Ṡrīpāda Sumaṅgala Unnānse. The title Unnānse is used by all the superior monks of Ceylon for ‘venerable’ (Sanskṛit vandya).
[119]Sumaṅgala informed me that this was the only prayer used in Ceylon. It is no real prayer, but only an expression of reverence. Often, however, wishes for good luck are expressed like prayers. They are called Maṅgala or Jaya-maṅgala. For example: ‘May I for this particular act of merit obtain some particular piece of good fortune!’
[120]Some connect the wizard-priest Shaman with the Buddhist Ṡramaṇa.
[121]Lāma (written in Tibetan bLama) is the Tibetan name for a superior teacher (Sanskṛit Guru), and from this word the hierarchical system of Tibet is usually called Lāmaism. It seems, however, as legitimate to form a word Lāmism from Lāma, as Buddhism from Buddha. At any rate my adjective Lāmistic is less awkward than Lāmaistic. As to ā in Lāma, see Rules for pronunciation at p. xxxi.
[122]This is the Sanskṛit vandya, ‘to be saluted.’ I cannot help thinking that Bante and Bandya may be the origin of the term Bonze, applied to monks or priests in China, though I believe Professor Legge connects Bonze with Munshī.
[123]According to Dr. Schlagintweit the number of rules is 250, and they are detailed in the first or Dulva portion of the Kanjur.
[124]One was a Nepālese princess (called Bribsun) and the other a Chinese princess (called Wenching). According to Koeppen, they were worshipped under the general name Dāra Eke—Dāra standing for the Sanskṛit Tārā and Eke meaning Mother.
[125]Some write Lhāsa (strictly Lhasa). I prefer Lhāssa as best representing the pronunciation. It means ‘the city of the gods’ (lha or lhā).
[126]Bakshi is probably a corruption of Bhikshu. Koeppen says it is Mongolian for Ton. Mr. Edgar (Report, p. 39) pronounces Brom Ton Domton.
[127]Dr. Schlagintweit (p. 73) identifies this with the sect which wear red dresses, but this must surely be an error for yellow.
[128]Through the Mongols Tibet gradually came under the power of China from 1255 to 1720. The dynasty in China is now Manchu.
[129]It is remarkable that the expression ὁ καταβάς is said of Christ in the New Testament.
[130]According to the Times Correspondent Lhāssa stands in no closer relation to China than the least dependent of Indian States to the British Empire; history, however, proves that China can, when her interests demand it, assume a very different position. The military power of China is not great, but that of the Lāma Government is nearly nil. The expulsion of the missionaries Huc and Gabet proves this.
[131]It is said by some that even his excreta are held sacred. They are dried, ground to powder, and either swallowed or made use of as charms. Others deny this.
[132]In the Times newspaper for June 15, 1888, is the following: ‘How the Grand Lāma of Tibet is appointed.—A recent number of the Peking Gazette contains a memorial to the Emperor from the Chinese Resident at Lhāssa, stating that a certain Tibetan official called the Nominhan (see p. 286 of this volume) had reported to him that he had found three young boys of remarkable intelligence and acuteness, into one of whom beyond a doubt the spirit of the late Lāma of Tashi Lunpo (one of the two supreme pontiffs) had passed. Thereupon the Chinese Resident sent a report to Peking, asking that the ceremony of selecting one of these three children might be permitted. By the time the authority arrived, the Nominhan with the children had reached Lhāssa, and a lucky day was chosen for the ceremony. The golden vase in which the lots are cast was brought and placed before the image of the Emperor. Prayers were chanted before the assembled Lāmas, and the children were conducted into the presence of the Resident and Tibetan authorities in order that their intelligence and difference from other persons might be tested.’
[133]‘Cloven-headed’ seems a misprint for eleven-headed; but the account of the creation of Avalokiteṡvara at p. 487 of this volume justifies ‘cloven-headed.’—Corr.
[134]Article on Japan in the last edition of the Encyclopædia Britannica.
[135]According to one of my Japanese informants Butsu should he Bhutsu, and the formula should be translated, ‘Reverence to the Infinite Being.’
[136]My quotations from the travels of Huc and Gabet have been made from excellent translations by Mrs. Percy Sinnet and W. Hazlitt, but I have been compelled to abbreviate the extracts.
[137]Published by Messrs. Macmillan & Co. Shway Yoe is an assumed name. The author’s real name is Scott.
[138]I was told when in Ceylon, that many monasteries in the Kandyan provinces had misappropriated their endowments and dropped the schools, which they were bound to keep up.
[139]Notes illustrative of Buddhism as the daily religion of the Buddhists of Ceylon, by J. F. Dickson, M. A. Oxon.
[140]This is the derivation given by Childers; one might otherwise have been inclined to suspect some connexion with Preta, a ghost (pp. 121, 219 of this volume).
[141]The texts and commentaries of some of these were collected by M. Grimblot, and translated with notes by M. Leon Feer, in the Journal Asiatique. The Tibetan Pirit is said to consist of only thirteen Suttas.
[142]A cold climate necessitates the addition of trousers, and boots and occasionally shoes are worn.
[143]This is probably permitted with a view to prevent the study of Mongolian from entirely dying out. It is certain that, although the Buddhist sacred books have long been translated into Mongolian, Chinese, and Tungusic, only the Tibetan texts are esteemed as canonical.
[144]The indomitable persevering Hungarian traveller, Alexander Csoma de Körös, already mentioned (at p. 70), was the first European to throw light on the Tibetan language. He had been impelled to acquire it by the task he had imposed on himself of searching out the progenitors of his race. More than eighty years ago he set out on his travels, and his search ultimately brought him to Tibet. There he devoted himself to the study of the Tibetan language and its sacred literature, taking up his abode in the monastery of Pugdal, in defiance of intense cold and other hardships. But his heroic energy did not end there. In 1831 he travelled from Tibet to Calcutta, and in that city, about the year 1834, published his Grammar and Dictionary of the Tibetan language, besides his table of contents of the Kanjur and the extra-canonical treatises. At length fancying himself qualified for the accomplishment of his self-inflicted task, he started off again, and died in Sikkim in April 1842. He is buried at Dārjīling. We Englishmen, who ought to have taken the greatest share in these linguistic conquests—so important in their bearing on the interests of our Indian frontier—have hitherto, to our great discredit, almost entirely neglected them. Meanwhile, St. Petersburg and Paris have founded chairs of the Tibetan language, and nearly all that has been effected for promoting the study of Tibetan has been due to Russian and French scholars, and to German and Moravian missionaries, especially to Jäschke and Hyde.
I am glad, however, to see from the annual address delivered by the President of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, and published in the Report for February, 1888, that this reproach is now being wiped out by our fellow-subjects in India. Babu Pratāpa Chandra Ghosha is bringing out in the Bibliotheca Indica the Tibetan translation of the Buddhistic work Prajñā-pāramitā, forming the second division of the Kanjur, while Mr. Sarat Chandra Dās, C.I.E., is editing the Tibetan version of the Avadāna-Kalpalatā (a store-house of legends of Buddha’s life and acts), and compiling a Tibetan-Sanskṛit-English Dictionary. Great credit is due to our Indian Government for the publication of Jäschke’s Tibetan-English Dictionary.

[145]As corpses are exposed to be devoured by animals in Tibet human bones are easily obtained for this purpose.
[146]As before stated (p. 306, note) I have been compelled to abbreviate the translator’s version and occasionally to vary the expressions, and have therefore felt it right to omit inverted commas.
[147]According to Schlagintweit this sect (also called Brugpa, p. 272) are especially worshippers of the Dorje (see p. 322), and are therefore Tāntrikas.
[148]This I heard from his own lips.
[149]The abstract has been made by me from a copy of Sarat Chandra Dās’ Report kindly lent to me by Sir Edwin Arnold. But I learnt much from Mr. S. C. D. in personal conversations. In my numerous quotations I have ventured to make a few alterations in the English.
[150]This is the Tibetan name of Avalokiteṡvara or Padma-pāṇi. It is often spelt Chenresi, or Chenresig, or Chenressig.
[151]The Lion is an emblem of the Buddha, and he is called Ṡākya-siṉha, ‘the Lion of the Ṡākya tribe’ (see pp. 23, 394).
[152]See p. 321.
[153]See these enumerated at p. 528.
[154]See Mr. Clements Markham’s Tibet, p. cxiii.
[155]This was the Buddha’s attitude when he died (see pp. 50, 241). He is called ‘a Lion.’ (See note 2, p. 332.)
[156]See my ‘Brāhmanism and Hindūism,’ p. 367.
[157]I found, when in the South of India, that an image of Bhavānī in a Hindū temple was very like that of the Virgin Mary in an adjacent Roman Catholic Church. I was told that the same Hindū carver carved both.
[158]We know that Hindūism, in the end, adopted Buddha himself, and converted him into one of the incarnations of Vishṇu (see ‘Brāhmanism and Hindūism,’ p. 114).
[159]These good deities, according to Schlagintweit, are represented with formidable countenances and dark complexions, and a third eye in the forehead—probably the eye of wisdom, as in the Dhyāni-Buddhas (see p. 203 of these Lectures).
[160]See the account of the female demons called Tanma at p. 457 of these Lectures.
[161]The shape is not quite the same as that of the Phurbu, but there can be no doubt of its being a kindred weapon. I purchased my specimen at Dārjīling, and was assured that it came from Tibet, and was used by the Tibetans in the same way as the Phurbu.
[162]See ‘Brāhmanism and Hindūism,’ p. 345.
[163]See my work on ‘Brāhmanism and Hindūism,’ pp. 357, 358, 370, etc.
[164]See the translation of a horoscope given in ‘Brāhmanism and Hindūism,’ p. 373.
[165]According to Schlagintweit, those amulets which are curved round to a point are intended to represent the leaf of the sacred fig-tree.
[166]In this it did good service, at least for a time; for the cost of marriage-ceremonies among the Hindūs often cripples the resources of a family for years. The marriage of the poorest persons sometimes entails expenses in gifts to the Brāhmans, etc., to the amount of 300 rupees.
[167]Mr. Scott points out in his ‘Burman’ that this is especially the case in Burma.
[168]Scott’s ‘Burman,’ p. 125.
[169]My authority for this is Mr. J. F. Dickson’s pamphlet called ‘Notes and illustrations of Buddhism,’ etc.
[170]Scott’s ‘Burman,’ i. 282.
[171]The Dāgabas of laymen have no umbrellas at the top (see p. 505). This privilege is only accorded to the monkhood (Scott’s ‘Burman’).
[172]This is mentioned by Huc as well as by Koeppen.
[173]He is sometimes represented seated on a Lotus, or born from a Lotus.
[174]Om is borrowed from the Hindūs. It is their most sacred syllable, symbolical of their triad of gods, Brahmā, Vishṇu, and Ṡiva, denoted by the three mystical letter A, U, M (see my ‘Brāhmanism,’ p. 402). When imported into Buddhism it may possibly symbolize the Buddhist triad. Om is sometimes translated by Hail! Hūm, as a particle of solemn assent, is sometimes translated by Amen! I prefer to treat both Om and Hūm as untranslatable ejaculations.
[175]I had formed this opinion long before I saw the same view hinted at in one of Koeppen’s notes (see my ‘Brāhmanism and Hindūism,’ p. 33). It is certainly remarkable that the name Maṇi is applied to the male organ, and the female is compared to a lotus-blossom in the Kāma-ṡāstras. I fully believe the formula to have a phallic meaning, because Tibetan Buddhism is undoubtedly connected with Ṡaivism.
[176]Some think, however, that the six syllables owe their efficacy to their symbolizing the six Pāramitās or transcendent virtues.
[177]Dr. Schlagintweit mentions (p. 121) that when Baron Schilling visited a certain convent he found the Lāmas occupied in preparing 100 million copies of Om maṇi padme Hūm to be inserted in a prayer-cylinder. He also states that the inscription relating to the foundation of the monastery of Hemis in Ladāk (see p. 433 of these Lectures) records the setting up of 300,000 prayer-cylinders along the walls and passages of the monastery.
[178]The Maṇi-padme prayer is itself for shortness often called Maṇi.
[179]Stūpas and Ćaityas are explained at p. 504.
[180]So says Schlagintweit, but he adds that in some places passers by keep them to the right. Mr. Sarat Chandra Dās also mentions this.
[181]According to Sir Richard Temple (Journal, p. 198) travellers walk first on one side and then on the other.
[182]Schlagintweit (p. 253) says this is the horse which constitutes one of the seven treasures (see p. 528 of these Lectures). It brings good fortune to the man who keeps it flying on a flag.
[183]The gem called Norbu is another of the seven treasures.
[184]Dr. Schlagintweit says that a Dhāraṇi to the following effect is often written on the flag: ‘Tiger, Lion, Eagle, and Dragon, may they co-operate Sarva-du-du-hom! (‘Tibetan Buddhism,’ p. 255).
[185]The number 108 seems sacred, as the sole of Buddha’s foot is said to have that number of marks upon it.
[186]Common people in Buddhist countries are satisfied with 30 or 40 beads.
[187]This is a great Tibetan saint, author of a hundred thousand songs.
[188]Translated for me by Mr. Sarat Chandra Dās, who was my companion during part of my sojourn at Dārjīling.
[189]Hiouen Thsang says that this place is near Prayāga (the modern Allahābād), and that Aṡoka built a Stūpa there. (Beal, i. 231.)
[190]General Sir A. Cunningham puts the date at about A.D. 150.
[191]See the account given in ‘Brāhmanism and Hindūism,’ p. 442.
[192]Many images and sculptures were abstracted by the Burmese, but many never reached Burma, for they accidentally fell into the Ganges in the process of being transported there. The colossal image found outside the temple is now in the Calcutta Museum (see the engraving opposite to p. 466).
[193]Mr. Beglar gave me specimens of the fragments, which I have still.
[194]The umbrella is symbolical of supremacy. See p. 523.
[195]The lion is often associated with Buddha, who is called Ṡākya-siṉha (see p. 23), and whose throne is therefore called a Siṉhāsan.
[196]This will be evident to any one who examines it attentively. The socket-hole of the umbrella-ornament may be easily detected.
[197]The form of ritual observed was like that I witnessed at Gayā, and described in my ‘Brāhmanism and Hindūism,’ p. 310.
[198]See my ‘Brāhmanism and Hindūism,’ p. 434.
[199]That is, ‘the lord of deer.’ Sāraṅga is a kind of deer, and the Buddha was probably called so because he is fabled to have wandered about as a deer in this very place in one of his former births (see p. 111 of this volume). The legend is that he was born eleven times as a deer, and on this account a deer is one of the sacred symbols of Buddhism. We learn from General Sir A. Cunningham (i. 105) that the name Sārnāth properly belongs to a temple dedicated to Ṡiva near the Buddhist monument, and the epithet ‘Lord of deer,’ is equally applicable to the god Ṡiva, who is often represented in the act of holding up a deer in his hand.
[200]The name Dhamek may possibly be a corruption of Dhamma-ćakka (Dharma-ćakra).
[201]Fā-hien says that the old city was girdled by five hills. These hills are now called Baibhār (on which are five Jain temples), Vipula, Ratna, Udaya, and Sona-giri. A long account of the place will be found in Cunningham’s ‘Ancient Geography of India,’ pp. 462-468, and in his ‘Archæological Report,’ i. 20. Bimbi-sāra seems to have built the town, which was afterwards improved by Ajāta-ṡatru, and the site of the new portion being not quite identical, the new town was called ‘new Rāja-gṛiha.’ Legge’s ‘Fā-hien,’ p. 81. There are several hot springs in this locality.
[202]Ajāta-ṡatru seems first to have sided with Buddha’s enemy Deva-datta.
[203]It may be mentioned here that any place or house in which the Buddha resided for a time was afterwards called Gandha-kuṭī (probably from the fragrance of the perfumed offerings always to be found in it). Hence the Bambu grove at Rāja-gṛiha, and the Jeta-vana at Srāvastī (p. 407), were both Gandha-kuṭīs.
[204]A magnificent edition of this work in Tibetan, Mongol, Manchu, and Chinese came into the possession of the French Missionaries (Huc, ii. 74).
[205]Here, therefore, there was a Gandha-kuṭī (see note, p. 404).
[206]Fā-hien says, ‘Here lived Buddha for a longer time than at any other place,’ and on that account, perhaps, was called Dharma-pattana (Beal’s ‘Records,’ ii. 1). It was at this place that the Brahmaćārīns killed a courtesan, and accused Buddha of adultery and murder (see Legge, p. 59; Beal, ii. 8).
[207]Legge, pp. 57, 59; Beal, ii. 5.
[208]Another statue, claiming to be the genuine sandal-wood image, was at Kauṡāmbī (see p. 412).
[209]A kūṭāgāra is properly any building with a peaked roof (kūṭa) or pinnacle.
[210]Cunningham (i. 301) gives a full account of the place.
[211]The story is fully narrated in the second and third books of the Kathā-sarit-sāgara of Soma Deva. See my ‘Indian Wisdom,’ p. 511. King Udayana is said to have been a contemporary of the Buddha.
[212]See my ‘Indian Wisdom,’ p. 486.
[213]See Hiouen Thsang’s account of it, p. 471. Another similar image belonged to King Prasenajit at Ṡrāvastī, see pp. 408, 471.
[214]The name is said to have been derived from that of a Nāga, who lived in a neighbouring tank. See the description in two Chinese Buddhist inscriptions found at Buddha-Gayā. R. A. S. Journal, vol. xiii.
[215]This Utpalā must be the same as Utpala-varṇā (see p. 48 of this volume).
[216]A Yojana is variously estimated at 4 or 5 or 9 English miles.
[217]Hiouen Thsang states that this name, which means a ‘hump-backed virgin,’ is derived from the fact that an old sage (Ṛishi), who possessed supernatural powers, cursed ninety-nine daughters of king Brahma-datta for refusing to marry him, and made them deformed (Beal, i. 209). A different legend is given in my Sanskṛit-English Dictionary.
[218]This is very instructive in regard to the numerical proportion between Brāhmans and Buddhists at this place.
[219]According to Cunningham, about B.C. 450.
[220]One for each of the 84,000 elements of the body (p. 499). The real number of Stūpas was 84, but, as usual, three ciphers have been added.
[221]It is difficult to understand exactly what these Aḍḍhayoga, Prāsāda and Harmya were. In some Buddhist countries storied houses are considered objectionable, as no one likes to submit to the indignity of having the feet of another person above his head.
[222]The objection to the hollow of trees was that spirits, ghosts, and goblins often took up their abode there.
[223]The term Vihāra was afterwards usually applied to temples, or to buildings combining temple and monastery in one.
[224]Some authorities place them in the sixth century of our era.
[225]This is curiously illustrated in a recent letter from a resident in Burma to the Editor of the Times newspaper, in which it is stated that about six months after King Theebaw had been deported, some of his things were exhibited by us in the lower rooms of the Rangoon Museum, to the great disgust of his Burmese admirers, who asked, ‘how we dared place their king’s things in a lower room where people could walk above them?’
[226]It is for this reason that in the Tibetan language they are called Gonpa.
[227]So described in a pamphlet on Buddhist Monasteries in Lahoul, by a Moravian Missionary.
[228]Mr. Sarat Chandra Dās gives the names of 1026 monasteries. Koeppen makes 3000 monasteries and 84,000 Lāmas.
[229]A small river flowing into the Tsanpo or Brahma-putra.
[230]The hill is called Potala, and the palace-monastery is named after it. Koeppen says it has three peaks, but the illustration in Markham’s account of Manning’s journey (p. 256) shows three long summits rather than peaks. The hill is called Buddha-la by Huc (ii. 140), but Koeppen (ii. 341) is more correct in stating that Potala is the name of a sea-port on the river Indus, called Pattala by the Greeks, and now Tatta. There is a tradition that this Potala was the original home of the Ṡākya tribe (see p. 21 of this volume).
[231]Koeppen translates this by the German sau, but says it may also mean ‘Hintere Berg.’
[232]Messrs. Huc and Gabet failed in their attempt to obtain an interview with the Dalai Lāma of 1846.
[233]It may also mean temple of Lhāssa and ‘abode of gods,’ in which case Lā would be for Lhā.
[234]Huc says ‘four leagues;’ Koeppen ‘drei meilen,’ which is incorrect.
[235]These are also mentioned by Sarat Chandra Dās and by Markham (p. 130, note 3), and again, differently spelt, at p. 264, note 1.
[236]For his services as an explorer and surveyor Nain Singh enjoys a Government pension, and has been awarded the gold medal of the Geographical Society. Sarat Chandra Dās has been made a C.I.E.
[237]My authority for all these details is Dr. Burgess’ Report.
[238]Copies of these were made for me by a Sinhalese artist.
[239]In this description I have chiefly followed Mr. Scott.
[240]This description is based on Koeppen, ii. 234, and on the narrative of Sarat Chandra Dās’ journey in 1881, 1882.
[241]Sarat Chandra Dās mentions a ‘flag-pole forty feet high, on which are some inscriptions, two tufts of yak hair, and several yak and sheep-horns.’ Possibly this may be the obelisk mentioned by Koeppen.
[242]One of these is the terrific goddess Paldan (p. 491), worshipped by all Tibetans and Mongols, and identified with the goddess Kālī.
[243]My authority for this is Bishop Edward Bickersteth, the present Bishop in Japan.
[244]See my ‘Brāhmanism and Hindūism’ (published by Mr. Murray of Albemarle Street), pp. 2-20.
[245]Another ancient statue but not so old, though of a highly interesting type, was procured by me (for the Indian Institute at Oxford) from Buddha-Gayā on the occasion of my last visit in 1884, through the kind assistance of Mr. Beglar. It is in the erect attitude.
[246]See ‘Brāhmanism and Hindūism,’ p. 214.
[247]A good example of this tight-fitting robe is afforded by the ancient statue of the Buddha, mentioned at p. 467, note.
[248]When Gautama renounced his family and caste, he doubtless discarded the cord, just as a true Sannyāsī is required to do (p. 78).
[249]In the Jaina statues, the lobes of the ears, so far as I have observed, always touch the shoulders.
[250]Some think that this represents the wheel of the Ćakra-vartī emperor, or the wheel of the law, or the cycle of causes, or the continual revolution of births, deaths, and re-births. Dr. Mitra maintains that a lotus, and not a wheel, is always intended, though the lotus is often so badly carved that it may pass for any circular ornament.
[251]Dr. Rajendralāla Mitra considers that curly locks were given to Gautama Buddha because the possession of curls is believed to be an auspicious sign. Some have actually inferred from the curl-like knobs, that Buddha was a negro!
[252]See Dr. Edkins’ ‘Chinese Buddhism’ (p. 256).
[253]See Lalita-vistara (Calc. ed.), pp. 402, 403, 449, ll. 6-14.
[254]See my remarks on the worship of serpents in ‘Brāhmanism and Hindūism,’ p. 319; and Fergusson’s great work, ‘Tree and Serpent Worship.’
[255]There is a striking parallel in a well-known picture by Bernardino Luini (of the Milan school) of ‘Christ disputing with the Doctors’ to be seen in our National Gallery.
[256]Procured for me by Mr. Burrows, of the Ceylon Civil Service.
[257]See especially an image in the British Museum. In China Bas-relief images of Buddha are sometimes inserted by Buddhist priests in large mussel-shells while the animal is living, and are covered by it with a coating of mother of pearl. This they call a miracle. An example is in the Indian Institute, presented by Mrs. Newman Smith.
[258]The sculptured figures of Padma-pāṇi observed by me in the caves of Elorā represent him with Amitābha in his head-dress.
[259]Observe that Sang Yun, as there given, is more correctly spelt Sung Yun or Sung-Yun.
[260]Compare Hardy’s ‘Monachism,’ p. 212.
[261]See Hardy’s ‘Eastern Monachism,’ p. 192.
[262]See my ‘Brāhmanism and Hindūism,’ p. 303.
[263]‘Mahā-p.’ p. 51. ‘Milinda Pañha,’ p. 177. ‘It is certainly noteworthy,’ says Oldenberg, ‘that as the care for Buddha’s remains is not represented as belonging to the disciples, so the Vinaya texts are nearly silent as to the last honours of the deceased monks. To arrange for their cremation was probably committed to the laity.’
[264]Subsequently called Purī, and noted for the worship of Jagan-nāth or Kṛishṇa, who became the successor of Buddha as an object of worship (see p. 166 of this volume).
[265]Hardy’s ‘Eastern Monachism,’ p. 224. The size of the tooth does not seem very preposterous, on the assumption of the truth of the tradition that Gautama attained to the stature of twenty cubits.
[266]Mr. Lesley, in his ‘Lectures on the Origin and Destiny of Man,’ states that there are two foot-prints sculptured on the summit of Mount Olivet, and worshipped by pilgrims as the marks left when Christ sprang into the sky at His ascension. There is another alleged foot-print of Christ in the Mosque of Omar, and two foot-prints at Poitiers in France. There are two foot-prints of Ishmael in the temple at Mecca. This is mentioned by Mr. Alabaster (p. 262).
[267]Or according to some the Ṡālmali or Silk-cotton tree (Sīmal).
[268]Spence Hardy’s ‘Eastern Monachism,’ p. 215.
[269]I conjecture that the Mućalinda-tree may have been the Sandal, for it is described in Sanskṛit literature as infested by snakes. The fact of a serpent having emerged from the roots of this tree and protected the Buddha instead of injuring him, may account for the sacred character of the sandal-wood statue (see p. 408).
[270]Hardy’s ‘Eastern Monachism,’ p. 212.
[271]I noticed a fine specimen of this tree growing in the courtyard of the temple of the god Brahmā at Pokhar, near Ājmere, visited by me in 1884. Near it were two Banyan trees, a Nīm tree, and Aṡoka tree. Brahmā’s other temple at Idar was not visited by me.
[272]Compare my translation of ‘Ṡakuntalā,’ pp. 90, 91 (fifth edition). The Christmas-tree with its suspended gifts offers a curious and interesting analogy. The wonderful tree described by Messrs. Huc and Gabet as seen by them (vol. ii. p. 53, Hazlett’s translation) can only be regarded as an example of a remarkably clever hoax.
[273]Mr. R. Sewell has written an interesting article on ‘Early Buddhist Symbolism,’ in which he connects certain symbols with solar ideas derived from the West. Mr. Frederic Pincott thinks that the triple symbol stands for the ancient Y of the ‘Ye dharmā’ formula.
[274]See my ‘Modern India,’ p. 193, published by Messrs. Trübner and Co., and ‘Brāhmanism and Hindūism,’ p. 127.
[275]The Jaugada inscription has two Svastikas, the arms in each of which are bent in opposite directions.
[276]The expression Jainism corresponds to Ṡaivism, just as Jaina does to Ṡaiva. Consistency would require Bauddhism and Bauddha for Buddhism and Buddhist, but I fear the latter expressions are too firmly established.
[277]Nigaṇṭha (also spelt Niggantha) is from the Sanskṛit Nir-grantha, ‘having no ties or worldly associations.’
[278]Cicero (De natura deorum) derives religion from relego, and explains it as a diligent practice of prayer and worship. Others have derived it from religo, and hold that it means ‘binding to God.’
[279]Here is an extract from a book called ‘The Mystery of the Ages,’ published in 1887:—‘Buddhism is the Christianity of the East, and, as such, even in better conservation than is Christianity, the Buddhism of the West.’
[280]As instances of the trivialities I give the following from the Ćulla-vagga (Sacred Books of the East, vol. xx. v, 31, p. 146; v, 9. 5, p. 87):—
‘Now at that time the Bhikkhus hung up their bowls on pins in the walls, or on hooks. The pins or hooks falling down, the bowls were broken. They told this matter to the Blessed One. “You are not, O Bhikkhus, to hang your bowls up. Whosoever does so, shall be guilty of a dukkata” (offence). Now at that time the Bhikkhus put their bowls down on a bed, or a chair; and sitting down thoughtlessly they upset them, and the bowls were broken. They told this matter to the Blessed One. “You are not, O Bhikkhus, to put your bowls on a bed, or on a chair. Whosoever does so, shall be guilty of a dukkata” (offence). Now at that time the Bhikkhus kept their bowls on their laps; and rising up thoughtlessly they upset them, and the bowls were broken. They told this matter to the Blessed One. “You are not, O Bhikkhus, to keep your bowls on your laps. Whosoever does so, shall be guilty of a dukkata” (offence). Now at that time the Bhikkhus put their bowls down on a sunshade; and the sunshade being lifted up by a whirlwind, the bowls rolled over and were broken. They told this matter to the Blessed One. “You are not, O Bhikkhus, to put your bowls down on a sunshade. Whosoever does so, shall be guilty of a dukkata.” Now at that time the Bhikkhus, when they were holding the bowls in their hands, opened the door. The door springing back, the bowls were broken. They told this matter to the Blessed One. “You are not, O Bhikkhus, to open the door with your bowls in your hands. Whosoever does so, shall be guilty of a dukkata.” Now at that time the Bhikkhus did not use tooth-sticks, and their mouths got a bad odour. They told this matter to the Blessed One. “There are these five disadvantages, O Bhikkhus, in not using tooth-sticks—it is bad for the eyes—the mouth becomes bad-smelling—the passages by which the flavours of the food pass are not pure—bile and phlegm get into the food—and the food does not taste well to him who does not use them. These are the five disadvantages, O Bhikkhus, in not using tooth-sticks.” “There are five advantages, O Bhikkhus” (etc., the converse of the last). “I allow you, O Bhikkhus, tooth-sticks.” Now at that time the Ćhabbaggiya Bhikkhus used long tooth-sticks; and even struck the Sāmaṇeras with them. They told this matter to the Blessed One. “You are not, O Bhikkhus, to use too long tooth-sticks. Whosoever does so, shall be guilty of a dukkata. I allow you, O Bhikkhus, tooth-sticks up to eight finger-breadths in length. And Sāmaṇeras are not to be struck with them. Whosoever does so, shall be guilty of a dukkata.” Now at that time a certain Bhikkhu, when using too short a tooth-stick got it stuck in his throat. They told this matter to the Blessed One. “You are not, O Bhikkhus, to use too short a tooth-stick. Whosoever does so, shall be guilty of a dukkata. I allow you, O Bhikkhus, tooth-sticks four finger-breadths long at the least.”’

[281]Although this Lecture was written and in type before the publication of the Bishop of Colombo’s article in the July (1888) number of the ‘Nineteenth Century,’ I need not say that I wish here, as the Bishop has done, to draw attention to the collection of ‘moral horrors’ existing in some parts of the Pārājika books—the disgusting detail of every conceivable form of revolting vice, supposed to be perpetrated or perpetrable by monks.
[282]Dr. Kellogg, in his excellent work, ‘the Light of Asia and the Light of the World,’ well criticizes Professor Seydel’s Buddhist-Christian Harmony, as well as the Professor’s views on this point expressed in his work entitled ‘Das Evangelium von Jesu in Seinen Verhältnissen zu Buddha-Sage und Buddha-Lehre.’ Leipzig, 1880.
[283]It is true that in the Lalita-vistara Buddha is described in terms which appear to assimilate his character to the Christian conception of a Saviour; but how could any man, however good and great, have any claim to be called either a Saviour or Redeemer, who only revealed to his fellow-men such a method of getting rid of pain and suffering, through their own works and merits, as must lead them in the end to extinction of all personal existence? The very essence of Christ’s character as a Saviour is His divine power of transferring His own perfect merits to imperfect men, and leading them from death to eternal life, not to eternal extinction of life.
[284]In regard to the Buddhist doctrine of terrific purgatorial torments in some of the numerous Hells see p. 120 of this volume.
[285]See Dhamma-pada, 127.
[286]I have not followed the exact words in our authorized translation of St. Luke iv. 18, because they must be taken with Isaiah.
[287]Exodus iii. 14.
[288]St. Matthew xi. 5.
[289]Sacred Books of the East, xiii. 133.
[290]It is necessary to point out that these acts of self-sacrifice took place in former states of existence, for when a man becomes a Buddha he has no need to gain merit by self-sacrifice.
[291]See p. 130.
[292]A Buddhist writer in a Buddhist magazine, published in Ceylon, has lately taken me to task for asserting in a recent speech that Christianity denies the all-sufficiency of good works as an instrument of salvation. It is easy to quote passages, such as those in the epistle of St. James, in support of his one-sided view of this question, but I need scarcely say that the writer has much to learn as to the true character of our Bible, in which no text has full force without its context, and no part can be taken to establish a doctrine without a comparison with other parts, and without the balancing of apparent contradictions in both Old and New Testaments.

WORKS BY THE SAME AUTHOR.

Brāhmanism and Hindūism, or Religious Thought and Life in India, as based on the Veda and other Sacred Books of the Hindūs. Third and cheaper Edition, with full index. John Murray, Albemarle Street. 1887. 10s. 6d.

Indian Wisdom, or Examples of the Religious, Philosophical, and Ethical Doctrines of the Hindūs: with a brief history of the chief departments of Sanskṛit Literature, and some account of the past and present condition of India, Moral and Intellectual.

Modern India and the Indians: A Series of Impressions, Notes, and Essays. Fourth Edition, with index. Trübner & Co., Ludgate Hill. 1888.

Hindūism. Published by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge.

Sanskṛit-English Dictionary. Published at the University Press, Oxford. Henry Frowde, 7 Paternoster Row. 1888.

English-Sanskṛit Dictionary. At the India Office.

Practical Sanskṛit Grammar. Fourth Edition. At the University Press, Oxford. Henry Frowde, 7 Paternoster Row. 1877.

Sanskṛit Manual with Exercises. W. H. Allen & Co.

Ṡakuntalā. A Sanskṛit Drama, in Seven Acts; the Text, with critical and explanatory notes and literal English translations. Second Edition. At the University Press, Oxford. Henry Frowde, 7 Paternoster Row. 1876. 8vo. cloth, 21s.

Vikramorrasī. A Sanskṛit Drama. The Text. Stephen Austin, Hertford.

A Free Translation in English Prose and Verse of the Sanskṛit Drama Ṡakoontalā, with a portrait of the heroine and her two friends. Fifth Edition. John Murray, Albemarle Street. 1887. 7s. 6d. First Edition printed on fine paper, illuminated and illustrated by Stephen Austin, Hertford.

Story of Nala: A Sanskṛit Poem, with full Vocabulary and an improved version of Dean Milman’s Translation. University Press, Oxford, and 7 Paternoster Row.

Application of the Roman Alphabet to the Languages of India. Longmans.

Practical Hindūstānī Grammar. Longmans.

Bāgh o Bahār. The Hindūstānī Text in the Roman character. Longmans.

Transcriber’s Notes

Corrected palpable typos.
Incorporated most author’s corrections into the text.
Inserted author’s additions into additional footnotes tagged “—Corr.”

Buddhism contrasted with Christianity

Buddhism contrasted with Christianity.


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In the previous Lectures I have incidentally contrasted the principal doctrines of Buddhism with those of Christianity.

It will be my aim in this concluding Lecture to draw attention more directly and more in detail to the main points of divergence between two systems, which in their moral teaching have so many points of contact, that a superficial study of either is apt to lead to very confused ideas in regard to their comparative excellence and their resemblance to each other.

And first of all I must remind those who heard my earlier Lectures of the grand fundamental distinction which they were intended to establish—namely, that Christianity is a religion, whereas Buddhism, at least in its earliest and truest form, is no religion at all, but a mere system of morality and philosophy founded on a pessimistic theory of life.

Here, however, it may be objected that, before we exclude Buddhism from all title to be called a religion, we ought to define what we mean by the term ‘religion.’

Of course, it will be generally acknowledged that mere morality need not imply religion, though—taking 538 the converse—it is most undeniably true that religion must of necessity imply morality.

Unquestionably there have been great philosophers in ancient times who have lived strictly moral lives without acknowledging any religious creed at all. Many excellent men, too, exist among us in the present day, who resent being called irreligious, and yet hold no definite religious doctrines, and decline to accept any system which commits them to absolute belief in anything except an eternal Energy or Force.

Clearly the definition of the word ‘religion’ is beset with difficulties, and its etymology is too uncertain to help us in explaining it[278]. We shall, however, be justified if we affirm that every system claiming to be a religion in the proper sense of the word must postulate the eternal existence of one living and true God of infinite power, wisdom, and love, the Creator, Designer, and Preserver of all things visible and invisible.

It must also take for granted the immortality of man’s soul or spirit, and the reality of a future state and of an unseen world. It must also postulate in man an innate sense of dependence on a personal God—a sense of reverence and love for Him, springing from a belief in His justice, holiness, wisdom, power, and love, and intensified by a deep consciousness of weakness, and a yearning to be delivered from the presence, tyranny, and penalty of sin.

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Then, starting from these assumptions, it must satisfy four requisites.

First, it must reveal the Creator in His nature and attributes to His creature, man.

Secondly, it must reveal man to himself. It must impart to him a knowledge of his own nature and history—what he is; why he was created; whither he is tending; and whether he is at present in a state of decadence downwards from a higher condition, or of development upwards from a lower.

Thirdly, it must reveal some method by which the finite creature may communicate with the infinite Creator—some plan by which he may gain access to Him and become united with Him, and be saved by Him from the consequences of his own sinful acts.

Fourthly, such a system must prove its title to be called a religion by its regenerating effect on man’s nature; by its influence on his thoughts, desires, passions, and feelings; by its power of subduing all his evil tendencies; by its ability to transform his character and assimilate him to the God it reveals.

It is clear, then, that tried by such a criterion as this, early Buddhism could not claim to be a religion. It failed to satisfy these conditions. It refused to admit the existence of a personal Creator, or of man’s dependence on a higher Power. It denied any eternal soul or Ego in man. It acknowledged no external, supernatural revelation. It had no priesthood—no real clergy; no real prayer; no real worship. It had no true idea of sin, or of the need of pardon (p. 124), and it condemned man to suffer the consequences of his own 540 sinful acts without hope of help from any Saviour or Redeemer, and indeed from any being but himself.

The late Bishop of Calcutta once said to me, that being in an outlying part of his diocese, where Buddhism prevailed, he asked an apparently pious Buddhist, whom he happened to observe praying in a temple, what he had just been praying for? He replied, ‘I have been praying for nothing.’ ‘But,’ urged the Bishop, ‘to whom have you been praying?’ The man answered, ‘I have been praying to nobody.’ ‘What!’ said the astonished Bishop, ‘praying for nothing to nobody?’ And no doubt this anecdote gives an accurate idea of the so-called prayer of a true Buddhist. This man had not really been praying for anything. He had been merely making use of some form of words to which an efficacy, like that of sowing fruitful seed in a field, was supposed to belong. He had not been praying in any Christian sense.

Here, however, an objector might remind me that according to my own showing, various developments of Buddhism modified and even contradicted the original creed, and that what has been here said about prayer, is only strictly applicable to early Buddhism as originally taught in the most ancient texts.

I grant this—I grant that expressions of reverence for the Buddha, the Law, and the Monkhood, developed into expressions of wants and needs, and that these expressions, gradually led on to the offering of actual prayers to deified Buddhas and Bodhi-sattvas.

I admit that we ought to judge of Buddhism as a whole. We ought to give full consideration to its 541 later developments, and the gradual sliding of its atheism and agnosticism into theism and polytheism. We are bound to acknowledge that Buddhism, as it extended to other countries, did acquire the character of a theistic religious system, which, though false, had in it some points of contact with Christianity.

Nevertheless, admitting all this, and taking into account all that can be said in favour of Buddhism as a religious system, it will be easy to show how impossible it is to bridge over the yawning chasm which separates it from the true religion.

It is, indeed, one of the strange phenomena of the present day, that even educated people who call themselves Christians, are apt to fall into raptures over the precepts of Buddhism[279], attracted by the bright gems which its admirers delight in culling out of its moral code, and in displaying ostentatiously, while keeping out of sight all its dark spots, all its trivialities and senseless repetitions[280]; not to speak of all those evidences 542 of deep corruption beneath a whited surface, all 543 those significant precepts and prohibitions in its books of discipline, which indeed no Christian could soil his lips by uttering[281].

It has even been asserted that much of the teaching in the Sermon on the Mount, and in other parts of the Gospel narratives, is based on previously current moral teaching, which Buddhism was the first to introduce to the world, 500 years before Christ[282]. But this is not all. The admirers of Buddhism maintain that the Buddha was not a mere teacher of the truths of morality, but of many other sublime truths. He has been justly called, say they, ‘the Light of Asia,’ though they condescendingly admit that Christianity as a later development is more adapted to become the religion of the world.

Let us then inquire, for a moment, what claim Gautama Buddha has to this title—‘the Light of Asia?’

Now, in the first place those who give him this name forget that his doctrines only spread over Eastern Asia, and that either Confucius, or Zoroaster, or Muhammad might equally be called ‘the Light of Asia.’

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But was the Buddha, in any true sense, a Light to any part of the world?

It is certainly true that the main idea implied by Buddhism is intellectual enlightenment. Buddhism, before all things, means enlightenment of mind, resulting from intense self-concentration and introspection, from intense abstract meditation, combined with the exercise of a man’s own reasoning faculties and intuitions.

Of what nature, then, was the so-called Light of Knowledge that radiated from the Buddha? Was it the knowledge of his own utter weakness, of his original depravity of heart, or of the origin of sin? No; the Buddha’s light was in these respects profound darkness. He confessed himself, in regard to such momentous questions, a downright Agnostic. The primary origin of evil—the first evil act—was to him an inexplicable mystery.

Was it, then, a knowledge of the goodness, justice, holiness, and omnipotence of a personal Creator? Was it a knowledge of the Fatherhood of God? No; the Buddha’s light was in these respects also mere and sheer darkness. In these respects, too, he acknowledged himself a thorough Agnostic. He admitted that he knew of no being higher than himself.

What, then, was the light that broke upon the Buddha? What was this enlightenment which has been so much written about and extolled? All that he claimed to have discovered was the origin of suffering and the remedy of suffering. All the light of knowledge to which he attained came to this:—that 545 suffering arises from indulging desires, especially the desire for continuity of life; that suffering is inseparable from life; that all life is suffering; and that suffering is to be got rid of by the suppression of desires, and by the extinction of personal existence.

Here, then, is the first great contrast. When the Buddha said to his converts, ‘Come (ehi), be my disciple,’ he bade them expect to get rid of suffering, he told them to stamp out suffering by stamping out desires (see pp. 43, 44). When the Christ said to His disciples, ‘Come, follow Me,’ He bade them expect suffering. He told them to glory in their sufferings—nay, to expect the perfection of their characters through suffering.

It is certainly noteworthy that both Christianity and Buddhism agree in asserting that all creation groaneth and travaileth in pain, in suffering, in tribulation. But mark the vast, the vital distinction in the teaching of each. The one taught men to be patient under affliction, and to aim at the glorification of the suffering body, the other taught men to be intolerant of affliction, and to aim at the utter annihilation of the suffering body.

What says our Bible? We Christians, it says, are members of Christ’s Body—of His flesh and of His bones—of that Divine Body which was once a suffering Body, a cross-bearing Body, and is now a glorified Body, an ever-living, life-giving Body. Hence it teaches us to honour and revere the human body; nay, almost to deify the human body.

A Buddhist, on the other hand, treats every kind 546 of body with contempt, and repudiates as a simple impossibility, all idea of being a member of the Buddha’s body. How could a Buddhist be a member of a body which was burnt to ashes—which was calcined,—which became extinct at the moment when the Buddha’s whole personality became extinguished also?

But, say the admirers of Buddhism, at least you will admit that the Buddha told men to avoid sin, and to aim at purity and holiness of life? Nothing of the kind. The Buddha had no idea of sin as an offence against God, no idea of true holiness (see p. 124). What he said was—Get rid of the demerit of evil actions and accumulate a stock of merit by good actions.

And let me remark here that this determination to store up merit—like capital at a bank—is one of those inveterate propensities of human nature, one of those irrepressible and deep-seated tendencies in humanity which nothing but the divine force imparted by Christianity can ever eradicate. It is for ever cropping up in the heart of man, as much in the West as in the East, as much in the North as in the South; for ever re-asserting itself like a pestilent weed, or like tares amidst the wheat, for ever blighting the fruit of those good instincts which underlie man’s nature everywhere.

Only the other day I met an intelligent Sikh from the Panjāb, and asked him about his religion. He replied, ‘I am no idolater; I believe in One God, and I repeat my prayers, called “Jap-jee,” every morning and evening. These prayers occupy six pages of print, 547 but I can get through them in little more than ten minutes.’ He seemed to pride himself on this rapid recitation as a work of increased merit.

I said, ‘What else does your religion require of you?’ He replied, ‘I have made one pilgrimage to a holy well near Amritsar. Eighty-five steps lead down to it. I descended and bathed in the sacred pool. Then I ascended one step and repeated my Jap-jee with great rapidity. Then I descended again to the pool and bathed again, and ascended to the second step and repeated my prayers a second time. Then I descended a third time, and ascended to the third step and repeated my Jap-jee a third time, and so on for the whole eighty-five steps, eighty-five bathings and eighty-five repetitions of the same prayers. It took me exactly fourteen hours, from 5 p.m. one evening to 7 a.m. next morning, and I fasted all the time.’

I asked, ‘What good did you expect to get by going through this task?’ He replied, ‘I hope I have laid up an abundant store of merit, which will last me for a long time.’

This, let me tell you, is a genuine Hindū notion. It is of the very essence of Brāhmanism, of Hindūism, of Zoroastrianism, of Confucianism, of Muhammadanism. It is even more of the essence of Buddhism. For, of all systems, Buddhism is the one which lays most stress on the accumulation of merit by good actions, as the sole counterpoise to the mighty force generated by the accumulation of demerit through evil actions in present and previous forms of life. 548 Nor did the Buddha ever claim to be a deliverer from guilt, a purger from the taint of past pollution. He never pretended to set any one free from the penalty, power, and presence of sin—from the bondage of sinful acts and besetting vices. He never professed to furnish any cure for the leprosy of man’s corrupt nature—any medicine for a dying sinner[283]. On the contrary, by his doctrine of Karma he bound a man hand and foot to the inevitable consequences of his own evil actions with chains of adamant. He said, in effect, to every one of his disciples, ‘You are in slavery to a tyrant of your own setting up; your own deeds, words, and thoughts in your present and former states of being, are your own avengers through a countless series of existences.

“Your acts your angels are for good or ill,
Your fatal shadows that walk by you still.”
‘If you have been a murderer, a thief, a liar, impure, a drunkard, you must pay the penalty in your next birth—perhaps as a sufferer in one of the hells[284], perhaps 549 in the body of a wild beast, perhaps in that of some unclean animal or loathsome vermin, perhaps as a demon or evil spirit. Yes, your doom is sealed. Not in the heavens, O man, not in the midst of the sea, not if thou hidest thyself in the clefts of the mountains, wilt thou find a place where thou canst escape the force of thine own evil actions[285]. Thy only hope of salvation is in thyself. Neither god nor man can save thee, and I am wholly powerless to set thee free.’

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And now, contrast the few brief words of Christ in his first recorded sermon[286]. ‘The Spirit of the Lord is upon Me, because He hath anointed Me to preach good tidings to the poor; He hath sent Me to proclaim liberty to the captives, and recovering of sight to the blind, and the opening of the prison to them that are bound.’

Yes, in Christ alone there is deliverance from the bondage of former transgressions, from the prison-house of former sins; a total cancelling of the past; a complete blotting-out of the handwriting that is against us; an entire washing away of every guilty stain; the opening of a clear course for every man to start afresh; the free gift of pardon and of life to every criminal, to every sinner—even the most heinous and inveterate.

Still, I seem to hear some admirers of Buddhism 550 say: We admit the force of these contrasts, but surely you will allow that in the moral law of Buddha we find precepts identically the same as those of Christianity—precepts which tell a man not to love the world, not to love money, not to hate his enemies, not to do unrighteous acts, not to commit impurities, to overcome evil by good, and to do to others as we would be done by?

Well, I admit all this. Nay, I admit even more than this; for many Buddhist precepts command total abstinence in cases where Christianity demands only temperance and moderation. The great contrast, as I have already explained, between the moral precepts of Buddhism and Christianity, is not so much in the letter of the precepts, as in the power brought to bear in their application.

Buddhism, I repeat, says: Act righteously through your own efforts, and for the final getting rid of all suffering, of all individuality, of all life in yourselves. Christianity says: Be righteous through a power implanted in you from above, through the power of a life-giving principle, freely given to you, and always abiding in you. The Buddha said to his followers: ‘Take nothing from me, trust to yourselves alone.’ Christ said: ‘Take all from Me; trust not to yourselves. I give unto you eternal life, I give unto you the bread of heaven, I give unto you living water.’ Not that these priceless gifts involve any passive condition of inaction. On the contrary, they stir the soul of the recipient with a living energy. They stimulate him to noble deeds, and self-sacrificing efforts. They compel him to act as 551 the worthy, grateful, and appreciative possessor of so inestimable a treasure.

Still, I seem to hear some one say: We acknowledge this; we admit the truth of what you have stated; nevertheless, for all that, you must allow that Buddhism conferred a great benefit on India by encouraging freedom of thought and by setting at liberty its teeming population, before entangled in the meshes of ceremonial observances and Brahmanical priestcraft.

Yes, I grant this; nay, I grant even more than this. I admit that Buddhism conferred many other benefits on the millions inhabiting the most populous part of Asia. It introduced education and culture; it encouraged literature and art; it promoted physical, moral, and intellectual progress up to a certain point; it proclaimed peace, good will, and brotherhood among men; it deprecated war between nation and nation; it avowed sympathy with social liberty and freedom; it gave back much independence to women; it preached purity in thought, word, and deed (though only for the accumulation of merit); it taught self-denial without self-torture; it inculcated generosity, charity, tolerance, love, self-sacrifice, and benevolence, even towards the inferior animals; it advocated respect for life and compassion towards all creatures; it forbade avarice and the hoarding of money; and from its declaration that a man’s future depended on his present acts and condition, it did good service for a time in preventing stagnation, stimulating exertion, promoting good works of all kinds, and elevating the character of humanity.

Then again, when it spread to outlying countries it 552 assumed the character of a religion; it taught the existence of unseen worlds; it permitted the offering of prayers to Maitreya and other supposed personal saviours; it inculcated faith and trust in these celestial beings, which operated as good motives in the hearts of many, while the hope of being born in higher conditions of life, and the desire to acquire merit by reverential acts, led to the development of devotional services, which had much in common with those performed in Christian countries. Nay, it must even be admitted that many Buddhists in the present day are deeply imbued with religious feelings, and in no part of the world are the outward manifestations of religion—such as temples and sacred objects of all kinds—so conspicuous as in modern Buddhist countries.

But if, after making all these concessions, I am told that, on my own showing, Buddhism was a kind of introduction to Christianity, or that Christianity is a kind of development of Buddhism, I must ask you to bear with me a little longer, while I point out certain other contrasts, which ought to make it clear to every reasonable man, how vast, how profound, how impassable is the gulf separating the true religion from the false philosophy, and from the later religious systems developed out of it.

And first, observe that Buddhism has never claimed to be an exclusive system. It has never aimed at taking the place of other religions. On the contrary it tolerates all, and a Buddhist considers that he may be at the same time a Hindū, a Confucianist, a Tāoist, a Shintoist, and even, strange to say, a Christian.

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A Christian, on the other hand, holds as a cardinal doctrine of his religion, that there is only one Name under heaven given among men, whereby any human being can be saved. To be at the same time a believer in Christ and a believer in Buddha implies an utter contradiction in terms.

Then it need scarcely be repeated here that Christ is before all things a majestic example of a great historic personality. Any really historical, matter-of-fact account of the life of Buddha, like that of the life of Christ by the four Evangelists, may be looked for in vain through all the Buddhist scriptures. The Buddha’s biography is mixed up with such monstrous legends, absurd figments, and extravagant fables, that to attempt the sifting out of any really historical element worthy of being compared with the pregnant simplicity—the dignified brevity of the biography of Christ, would be an idle task.

Still we may note two or three obvious points of comparison and contrast.

And perhaps the most important is, that Christ constantly insisted on the fact that He was God-sent, whereas the Buddha always described himself as self sent. How indeed could the Buddha have said ‘the great I AM hath sent me unto you[287]’ when he had no belief in the eternal existence of any Ego at all? Not even in the reality of his own individuality.

All that he affirmed of himself was that he came into the world to be a teacher of perfect wisdom, by 554 a force derived from his own acts. By that force alone he had passed through innumerable bodies of gods, demi-gods, demons, men, and animals, until he reached one out of numerous heavens, and thence by his own will descended upon earth and entered the side of his mother in the form of a white elephant (see pp. 23, 477). Let those who speak of his ‘virgin-mother’ bear this in mind.

Christ, on the other hand, made known to his disciples, that He was with His Father from everlasting, ‘Before Abraham was, I am.’ Then in the fulness of time, He was sent into the world by His Father, and was born of a pure virgin, through the power of the Holy Spirit, in the likeness and fashion of men.

Next let us note a vast contrast in the fact that Christ was sent from heaven to be born on earth in a poor and humble station, to be reared in a cottage, to be trained to toilsome labour as a working-man; whereas the Buddha came down to be born on earth in a rich and princely family; to be brought up amid luxurious surroundings, and finally to go forth as a mendicant-monk, depending upon others for his daily food and doing nothing for his own support.

Then, again, Christ as He grew up showed no signs of earthly majesty in his external form, whereas the Buddha is described as marked with certain mystic symbols of universal monarchy on his feet and on his hands, and taller and more stately in frame and figure than ordinary human beings (see pp. 476, 501).

Then, when each entered on his ministry as a teacher, Christ was despised and rejected by kings and princes, 555 and followed by poor and ignorant fishermen, by common people, publicans, and sinners; Buddha was honoured by kings and princes, and followed by rich men and learned disciples.

Then Christ had all the treasures of knowledge hidden in Himself, and made known to His disciples that He was Himself the Way, and the Truth,—Himself their Wisdom, Righteousness, Sanctification, and Redemption. Buddha declared that all enlightenment and wisdom were to be attained by his disciples, not through him, but through themselves and their own intuitions; and that, too, only after long and painful discipline in countless successive bodily existences.

Then in regard to the miracles which both the Bible and the Tripiṭaka describe as attestations of the truth of the teaching of each, contrast the simple and dignified statement that ‘the blind receive their sight, the lame walk, the lepers are cleansed, the deaf hear, the dead are raised up, and the poor have the gospel preached unto them[288],’ with the following description of the Buddha’s miracles in the Mahā-vagga (I. 20, 24)[289]: ‘At the command of the Blessed One the five hundred pieces of fire-wood could not be split and were split, the fires could not be lit up and were lit up, could not be extinguished and were extinguished. Besides he created five hundred vessels with fire. Thus the number of these miracles amounts to three thousand five hundred.’

Then, although each made use of missionary agency, 556 the one sent forth his high-born learned monks as missionaries to the world at the commencement of his own career, giving them no divine commission; the other waited till the close of His own ministry, and then said to His low-born, unlearned disciples, ‘As My Father hath sent Me, even so send I you’ (St. John xx. 21).

Then, when we come to compare the death of each, the contrast reaches its climax; for Christ was put to death violently by wicked men, and died in agony an atoning death, suffering for the sins of the world at the age of thirty-three, leaving behind in Jerusalem about one hundred and twenty disciples after a short ministry of three years. Whereas the Buddha died peacefully among his friends, suffering from an attack of indigestion at the age of eighty, leaving behind many thousands of disciples after forty-five years of teaching and preaching.

And what happened after the death of each? Christ, the Holy One, saw no corruption, but rose again in His present glorified body, and is alive for evermore—nay, has life in Himself ever flowing in life-giving streams towards His people. The Buddha is dead and gone for ever; his body, according to the testimony of his own disciples, was burnt more than 400 years before the Advent of Christ, and its ashes were distributed everywhere as relics.

Even according to the Buddha’s own declaration, he now lives only in the doctrine which he left behind him for the guidance of his followers.

And here again, in regard to the doctrine left behind by each, a vast distinction is to be noted. For the 557 doctrine delivered by Christ to His disciples is to spread by degrees everywhere until it prevails eternally. Whereas the doctrine left by Buddha, though it advanced rapidly by leaps and bounds, is, according to his own admission, to fade away by degrees, till at the end of 5000 years it has disappeared altogether from the earth, and another Buddha must descend to restore it. (Compare Postscript at end of Preface, p. xiv.)

Then that other Buddha must be followed by countless succeeding Buddhas in succeeding ages, whereas there is only one Christ, who can have no successor, for He is alive for ever and for ever present with His people: ‘Lo, I am with you alway, even unto the end of the world.’

Then observe that, although the Buddha’s doctrine was ultimately written down by his disciples in certain collections of books, in the same manner as the doctrine of Christ, a fundamental difference of character—nay, a vast and impassable gulf of difference—separates the Sacred Books of each, the Bible of the Christian and the Bible of the Buddhist.

The characteristic of the Christian’s Bible is that it claims to be a supernatural revelation, yet it attaches no mystical talismanic virtue to the mere sound of its words. On the other hand, the characteristic of the Buddhist Bible is that it utterly repudiates all claim to be a supernatural revelation; yet the very sound of its words is believed to possess a meritorious efficacy capable of elevating any one who hears it to heavenly abodes in future existences. In illustration I may advert to a legend current in Ceylon, that once 558 on a time 500 bats lived in a cave where two monks daily recited the Buddha’s Law. These bats gained such merit by simply hearing the sound of the words, that, when they died, they were all re-born as men, and ultimately as gods.

Then as to the words themselves, contrast the severely simple and dignified style of the Bible narrative, its brevity, perspicuity, vigour, and sublimity, its trueness to nature and inimitable pathos, with the feeble utterances, the tedious diffuseness, and I might almost say ‘the inane twaddle’ and childish repetitions of the greater portion of the Tripiṭaka (see note 2, p. 541).

But again, I am sure to hear the admirers of Buddhism say: Is it not the case that the doctrine of Buddha, like the doctrine of Christ, has self-sacrifice as its key-note? Well, be it so. I admit that the Buddha taught a kind of self-sacrifice. I admit that he related of himself that, on a particular occasion in one of his previous births[290], he plucked out his own eyes, and, that on another, he cut off his own head as a sacrifice for the good of others; and that again, on a third occasion, he cut his own body to pieces to redeem a dove from a hawk[291]. Yet note the vast distinction between the self-sacrifice taught by the two systems. Christianity demands the suppression of selfishness; Buddhism demands the suppression of self, with the one object of extinguishing all consciousness of self. In 559 the one, the true self is elevated and intensified. In the other, the true self is annihilated by the practice of a false form of non-selfishness, which has for its real object, not the good of others, but the annihilation of the Ego, the utter extinction of the illusion of personal individuality.

Furthermore, observe the following contrasts in the doctrines which each bequeathed to his followers:—

According to Christianity:—Fight and overcome the world.

According to Buddhism:—Shun the world, and withdraw from it.

According to Christianity:—Expect a new earth when the present earth is destroyed; a world renewed and perfected; a purified world in which righteousness is to dwell for ever.

According to Buddhism:—Expect a never-ending succession of evil worlds for ever coming into existence, developing, decaying, perishing, and reviving, and all equally full of everlasting misery, disappointment, illusion, change, and transmutation.

According to Christianity, bodily existence is subject to only one transformation.

According to Buddhism, bodily existence is continued in six conditions, through countless bodies of men, animals, demons, ghosts, and dwellers in various hells and heavens; and that, too, without any progressive development, but in a constant jumble of metamorphoses and transmutations (see p. 122).

Christianity teaches that a life in heaven can never be followed by a fall to a lower state.

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Buddhism teaches that a life in a higher heaven may be succeeded by a life in a lower heaven, or even by a life on earth or in one of the hells.

According to Christianity, the body of man may be the abode of the Holy Spirit of God.

According to Buddhism, the body whether of men or of higher beings can never be the abode of anything but evil.

According to Christianity:—Present your bodies as living sacrifices, holy, acceptable to God, and expect a change to glorified bodies hereafter.

According to Buddhism:—Look to final deliverance from all bodily life, present and to come, as the greatest of all blessings, highest of all boons, and loftiest of all aims.

According to Christianity, a man’s body can never be changed into the body of a beast, or bird, or insect, or loathsome vermin.

According to Buddhism, a man, and even a god, may become an animal of any kind, and even the most loathsome vermin may again become a man or a god.

According to Christianity:—Stray not from God’s ways; offend not against His holy laws.

According to Buddhism:—Stray not from the eight-fold path of the perfect man, and offend not against yourself and the law of the perfect man.

According to Christianity:—Work the works of God while it is day.

According to Buddhism:—Beware of action, as causing re-birth, and aim at inaction, indifference, and apathy, as the highest of all states.

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Then note other contrasts.

According to the Christian Bible:—Regulate and sanctify the heart, desires, and affections.

According to the Buddhist:—Suppress and destroy them utterly, if you wish for true sanctification.

Christianity teaches that in the highest form of life, love is intensified.

Buddhism teaches that in the highest state of existence, all love is extinguished.

According to Christianity:—Go and earn your own bread, support yourself and your family. Marriage, it says, is honourable and undefiled, and married life is a field on which holiness may grow and be developed. Nay, more—Christ Himself honoured a wedding with His presence, and took up little children in His arms and blessed them.

Buddhism, on the other hand, says:—Avoid married life; shun it as if it were ‘a burning pit of live coals’ (p. 88); or, having entered on it, abandon wife, children, and home, and go about as celibate monks, engaging in nothing but in meditation and recitation of the Buddha’s Law—that is to say—if you aim at the highest degree of sanctification.

And then comes the important contrast that in the one system we have a teaching gratifying to the pride of man, and flattering to his intellect; while in the other we have a teaching humbling to his pride, and distasteful to his intellect. For Christianity tells us that we must become as little children, and that when we have done all that we can, we are still unprofitable servants. Whereas Buddhism teaches that 562 every man is saved by his own works and by his own merits only.

Fitly, indeed, do the rags worn by the monks of true Buddhism symbolize the miserable patchwork of its own self-righteousness.

Not that Christianity ignores the necessity for good works; on the contrary, no other system insists on a lofty morality so strongly; but never as the meritorious instrument of salvation[292]—only as a thank-offering, only as the outcome and evidence of faith.

Lastly, we must advert again to the most momentous—the most essential of all the distinctions which separate Christianity from Buddhism. Christianity regards personal life as the most sacred of all possessions. Life, it seems to say, is no dream, no illusion. ‘Life is real, life is earnest.’ Life is the most precious of all God’s gifts. Nay, it affirms of God Himself that He is the highest Example of intense Life—of intense personality, the great ‘I AM that I AM,’ and teaches us that we are to thirst for a continuance of personal life as a gift for Him; nay, more, that we are to thirst for the living God Himself and for conformity 563 to His likeness; while Buddhism sets forth as the highest of all aims the utter extinction of the illusion of personal identity—the utter annihilation of the Ego—of all existence in any form whatever, and proclaims as the only true creed the ultimate resolution of everything into nothing, of every entity into pure nonentity.

What shall I do to inherit eternal life?—says the Christian. What shall I do to inherit eternal extinction of life?—says the Buddhist.

It seems a mere absurdity to have to ask in concluding these Lectures:—Whom shall we choose as our Guide, our Hope, our Salvation, ‘the Light of Asia,’ or ‘the Light of the World?’ the Buddha or the Christ? It seems a mere mockery to put this final question to rational and thoughtful men in the nineteenth century: Which Book shall we clasp to our hearts in our last hour—the Book that tells us of the dead, the extinct, the death-giving Buddha, or the Book that reveals to us the living, the eternal, the life-giving Christ?